Back Up - #9 - January 2020 Analysis of APD Racial Profiling Data — original pdf

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1 Table of Contents ● Executive Summary ● Introduction ● Racial Disparity 2018 ● Racial Disparity Trend 2015-2018 ○ All Motor Vehicle Stops ○ Arrests ○ Citations ○ Warnings or Field Observations ○ Searches ● High versus Low Discretion Searches and Race/Ethnicity ● Racial Profiling ● Austin Metro Population vs City of Austin Demographics Analysis ● Austin Commuter Data Analysis ● APD Racial Sector Analysis ○ Concentration of Motor Vehicle Stops Resulting in Arrests and 2018 Warnings and Field Observations across APD Sectors ● Recommendations ● Summary ● Appendix 1 ● Appendix 2 2 Executive Summary The Office of Police Oversight, Office of Innovation, and the Equity Office engaged in data analysis to understand how various ethnic/racial groups in Austin experience Austin Police Department (APD) motor vehicle stops. The report examines APD motor vehicle stop data from 2015-2018 and offers recommendations where disproportionality exists based on race/ethnicity. In summary: ● Data reveals racial disparities in motor vehicle stops in 2018, with Black/African Americans as the most overrepresented of all racial/ethnic groups in Austin. ○ In 2018, Black/African Americans made up 8% of the Austin population, 15% of the motor vehicle stops, and 25% of the arrests. ● Black/African Americans and Hispanic/Latinos are increasingly overrepresented in motor vehicle stops from 2015-2018. White/Caucasians are increasingly underrepresented during the same time period. 1 ● Data from 2018 shows that Black/African Americans are disproportionately overrepresented in cases when their race is known by officers before the stop compared to cases when their race is not known before the stop. ○ APD classifies motor vehicle stops based on whether the race of the person stopped  was known to the officer prior to the stop. In 2018, Black/African Americans are  overrepresented in both Race Not Known and Race Known categories. In the Race  Not Known category, Black/African Americans make up 14% of stops (this is a 6%  overrepresentation compared to their share of the Austin population). Black/African  Americans are further overrepresented when their race is known before the stop,  making up 17% of stops in the Race Known category and indicating a 9%  overrepresentation when compared to their share of the population.    ● Commuting habits cannot explain the disproportional representation of Black/African Americans in motor vehicle stops. Commuting habits are similar across race. ○ The differences in the commuting habits of racial/ethnic groups in Austin would likely not explain the overrepresentation of Black/African Americans in the 2018 APD motor vehicle stop data because Black/African Americans are less likely to commute to work alone than White/Caucasians or Hispanic/Latinos. ● The share of Black/African Americans is lower in the metro region than in Austin (7% and 8%, respectively). Therefore, their share of the metro region population does not explain the overrepresentation of Black/African Americans in APD’s motor vehicle stop data. ○ White/Caucasians make up a 1% higher concentration of the region’s racial composition, and African Americans make up a 1% smaller share. There is no Census data to support the idea that African Americans commute to Austin at a higher rate than Caucasians. 1 For the purpose of this report, the terms “Caucasian” and “White” refer to the same racial/ethnic group. This report uses the term Caucasian in the charts and graphs in order to be consistent with the previous OPM Racial Profiling reports. 3 Introduction This report examines Austin Police Department (APD) motor vehicle stop data from 2015-2018 and the race/ethnicity of the people pulled over. The purpose of this report is to understand how various ethnic/racial groups in Austin experience APD motor vehicle stops and offer recommendations where there appears to be disproportionality based on race/ethnicity. The number of motor vehicle stops by race alone does not tell a complete story of racial profiling in Austin because each racial/ethnic group does not make up an equal share of the population. This report examines the number of motor vehicle stops and their results in proportion to each racial/ethnic group within the population. Racial Disparity 2018 2 Each year, the APD produces a report on racial profiling that includes the number of vehicle stops and searches it has conducted by the race/ethnicity of the driver. The APD has also released data on motor vehicle stops categorized as warnings, field observations, citations, and arrests . 3 2018 APD Racial Profiling Report 2 3 There are slight discrepancies between the data on the open data portal and the APD reports. This analysis uses the APD Racial Profiling report rolled up data whenever possible as the open data sets have a disclaimer stating: “The data provided are for informational use only and may differ from official APD crime data.” 4 ​ Table 1: Disproportionality by race/ethnicity of all motor vehicle stops 4 (2018 Motor Vehicle Stops by Race/Ethnicity versus 2010 City of Austin Voting Age Population) As demonstrated by Table 1 above, APD data shows that Caucasians were stopped 57,173 times in 2018. This represents 47% of all 2018 motor vehicle stops. Black/African Americans were stopped 17,754 times. This represents 15% of all 2018 motor vehicle stops. Hispanic/ Latinos were stopped 39,946 times. This represents 33% of all 2018 motor vehicle stops. As can be seen in Table 1 above, when comparing the number of stops to the voting age population for Austin’s four largest ethnic/racial groups, Caucasians were stopped 7% less than their representation of the voting age population. Asians were stopped 2% less than their representation of the voting age population. Hispanic/Latinos were stopped at a rate of 2% above their representation in the population. Black/African Americans were stopped at a rate of 7% above their representation within the City of Austin’s population. Thus, the largest disparity between stops and the voting age population within any racial/ethnic group continues to be amongst the Black/African American group, as it has been since the OPO started reporting . 6 The total difference (spread) between Black/African American (7%) and Caucasian (-7%) 5 4Combining the values of the included racial/ethnic groups in the “Police Motor Vehicle Stops % of Total” column will not equal 100% because this analysis is examining only the four most populous racial/ethnic groups (See footnote 4 for further justification). This is true for most of the analysis that follows (figures not adding up to 100%). Percent totals with the four most populous racial/ethnic groups typically equal 98% or 99% of all stops. 5 Census Bureau 2010 Census. Dataset: Census question: P12 and the various race/ethnicity-related responses. The voting age population was chosen in order to more closely approximate the ages of members of the public most likely to have interaction with the APD as well as to better reflect the age range of complainants coming into the OPO. The voting age population is also viewed as a closer approximation of those operating motor vehicles (as opposed to the total population which includes children). OPO analyzed APD data with each years’ respective American Community Survey (ACS) Data as well as the 2010 Census data, and the ACS data analysis can be found in Appendix 1. OPO decided to use the 2010 Census data for this analysis because the margins of error were smaller, but the trends are very similar between analyses using both datasets. 6 OPO did not include Native Americans or other racial/ethnic groups because the annual American Community Survey data does not garner enough responses to the questions of interest to report the data publicly. Even though the OPO analysis in the Racial Disparity Trend 2015-2018 uses 2010 Census data, OPO examines racial profiling trends for the four most populous ethnicities/racial groups in order to allow for better comparison between the 2010 Census analysis and the 2015-2018 ACS-based analysis. 5 disproportionality adds up to 14% between the two racial/ethnic groups. Hispanic/Latinos also have a spread of concern (See chart 1 below). Racial Disparity Trend 2015-2018 All Motor Vehicle Stops Black/African Americans and Hispanic/Latinos have been increasingly overrepresented in APD motor vehicle stop data compared to Caucasians and Asians since 2015, the last year the Office of the Police Monitor produced a Racial Profiling Report. Chart 1 below shows disparities in APD motor vehicle stops for the top four racial/ethnic groups in Austin from 2015-2018. 6 Chart 1: Disproportionality by race/ethnicity of all motor vehicle stops trend (2015-2018 Motor Vehicle Stops by Race/Ethnicity versus 2010 City of Austin Voting Age 7 8 Population ) Since 2015, the overrepresentation of Black/African Americans has risen from 4% to 7% of all motor vehicle stops in Austin, an increase of 3%. The overrepresentation of Hispanic/Latinos has increased as well, from 0% to 2%, an increase of 2%. Since 2015, Asians have consistently been underrepresented in motor vehicle stops relative to their population at 3%. Caucasians 7 Solid lines in the chart represent changes from year to year, and dotted lines represent a computed trend line over 4 years. 8 All APD stop data in the following charts is from APD Racial Profiling reports. 2015 represents a year where APD’s racial profiling data does not match between the 2015 report and the 2016 report (2016 reports the previous year’s data as much higher, 158,298 vs 120,056). See the second page of the 2016 APD Racial Profiling Report for an explanation. This report works with the 120,056 number, which is also the same data the used. The subsequent charts use the OPM 2015 report data, which is also not reflective of the APD data on the open data portal, but OPM report data is considered more authoritative than APD open data, see footnote 2 for justification. 2015 OPM report 7 ​ ​ have seen a decrease in their representation from -4% to -7%, demonstrating a total decrease of 3%. As Hispanic/Latinos and Black/African Americans are being increasingly overrepresented in motor vehicle stops in Austin, the number of stops involving Caucasians is decreasing relative to their population, while Asians remain underrepresented. See Appendix 2 to view the trend of the total number of APD motor vehicle stops from 2015-2018. Even as the number of motor vehicle stops has generally decreased from 2015-2018, disproportionality among racial/ethnic groups has remained the same or increased. Arrests 9 The disparities in arrests resulting from motor vehicle stops are larger than disparities in motor vehicle stops overall. Black/African Americans are overrepresented by 17% in arrests from motor vehicle stops, a disparity that has generally increased from 16% in 2015. The same can be said of Hispanic/Latinos, who are overrepresented by 12% in 2018 arrests from motor vehicle stops, up from 10% in 2015. Both Caucasians and Asians have grown consistently more underrepresented; arrests of Caucasians dropped from -19% in 2015 to -23% in 2018 and arrests of Asians dropped from -5% in 2015 to -6% in 2018 (see chart 2 below). difference (spread) between Black/African American and Caucasian disproportionality, which adds up to a total of 40% between the two racial/ethnic groups. Hispanic/Latinos also have a spread of concern (See Chart 2 below). Note the total 9 All arrest, citation, and field observation/warning data is from the APD Racial Profiling Open Data sets. 8 ​ Chart 2: Disproportionality by race/ethnicity of motor vehicle stops resulting in arrest (2015-2018 Motor Vehicle Stops Resulting in Arrests by Race/Ethnicity Versus 2010 City of Austin Voting Age Population) 10 10 Unlike all motor vehicle stop data for 2015 (see footnote 7), 2015 arrest, citation, and field warning/observation data is from APD open data. This is because the 2015 OPM report does not include arrest, warning/field observation, and citation data broken out in its report. Thus, APD open data was used. 9  Citations A different narrative presents when examining the demographic data for APD motor vehicle citations compared to arrests. The data shows Hispanic/Latinos evenly represented between the Austin population and APD motor vehicle citations in 2015, yet they end 2018 overrepresented by 5%; that is a five percent increase in four years. Meanwhile, Black/African Americans remain consistently overrepresented by 4% in 2015 and 5% in 2018. Caucasians grew increasingly underrepresented from -2% in 2015 to -8% in 2018, a six percent decrease (see chart 3 below). Caucasian disproportionality, which adds up to a total of 13% between the two racial/ethnic groups. Hispanic/Latinos also have a spread of concern (See graph and chart below). Note the total difference (spread) between Black/African American and 10 ​ Chart 3: Disproportionality by race/ethnicity of motor vehicle stops resulting in a citation (2015-2018 Motor Vehicle Stops Resulting in Citations by Race/Ethnicity Versus 2010 City of Austin Voting Age Population) 11 Warnings or Field Observations 11 Black/African Americans continue to be overrepresented in motor vehicle stops resulting in warnings or field observations . Caucasians in 2015 were underrepresented by 3%, and in 2018 were -1% represented compared to their share of the voting age population. Hispanic/Latinos and Asians were consistently underrepresented between 2015-2018. total difference (spread) between Black/African American and Caucasian disproportionality, which adds up to 8% between the two racial/ethnic groups. Note the 11Warnings and Field Observations are reported in the same open dataset by APD and are grouped in this analysis. A field observation occurs when an APD officer produces “documentation of a subject stop when there is not a corresponding incident report, supplement or citation for the stop,” according to the Austin Police Department General Orders. has committed some offense, but is being spared the actual citation. Officers use their own discretion in deciding whether to issue a citation or warning. A warning issued by an officer is a statement that the motorist 12 ​ ​ Chart 4: Disproportionality by race/ethnicity of motor vehicle stops resulting in a warning or field observation (2015-2018 Motor Vehicle Stops Resulting in Warnings or Field Observations by Race/Ethnicity Versus 2010 City of Austin Voting Age Population) Searches There were 12,554 searches listed in the 2018 APD racial profiling report Americans and Hispanic/Latinos were overrepresented by 17% and 13%, respectively, while Asians and Caucasians were underrepresented compared to their proportion of the population at -5% and -24%, respectively (see Chart 5 below). between Black/African American and Caucasian disproportionality, which adds up to 41% between the two racial/ethnic groups. Hispanic/Latinos also have a spread of concern (See Chart 5 below). Note the total difference (spread) . Black/African 12 12 Searches occur during motor vehicle stops that result in citations, field observations, warnings, and arrests. Searches can include a search of a person or a vehicle. 13 ​ Chart 5: Disproportionality by race/ethnicity of motor vehicle stops resulting in a search (2015-2018 Motor Vehicle Stops Resulting in Search by Race/Ethnicity Versus 2010 City of Austin Voting Age Population) 13 and 2015 OPM report 2015 APD Racial Profiling report provides overall motor vehicle stop and search numbers for 2015 which are different from 13 2015 data is from the Profiling Report the other 2015 reports. According to the 2016 APD report “although the state requires the reporting of motor vehicle stops that result in a citation or arrest, we [APD] have modified this year’s report to include all motor vehicle stops.” This report uses the originally reported 2015 numbers in order to maintain continuity with previous OPM report figures. The ratios remain very similar. There are slight discrepancies between open data and official APD Racial Profiling report data. For instance, in 2018, open data numbers add up to 142 vehicles operated by an Asian person being searched, but official APD data states 150 vehicles operated by Asians were searched. This report uses the APD figures. See footnote 3 for justification. 2016 APD Racial . The 14 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ APD 2018 Racial Profiling Report While racial representations in searches are very disproportionate, search “hit” rates vary comparatively less along racial/ethnic lines. According to the “Productive searches or ‘hits’ are searches where contraband is found (e.g., drugs or weapons).” The search “hit” rate describes the percentage of searches that result in finding contraband (see Table 2). Caucasians have a 27% search “hit” rate (999 “hits” among 3,704 searches) while African Americans have a 31% search “hit” rate (957 “hits” among 3,072 searches). There is a 4% difference in “hit” rate between Caucasians and Black/African Americans (31%-27%). Note that Causasians are underrepresented in motor vehicle searches by 24% based on their proportion of the population, while Black/African Americans are The 4% difference in “hit” rates between Black/African overrepresented by 17%. Americans and Caucasians would not explain the disparity between how often Caucasians and Black/African Americans are searched (41%). Table 2 - Search “Hit” Rates Compared by Race/Ethnicity , High versus Low Discretion Searches and Race/Ethnicity 14 . Searches during motor vehicle stops which result in an arrest and towing are As the OPM has previously reported, not all searches require the same level of discretion of a police officer considered low discretion searches because an officer is required to perform a search in those cases. However, searches based on consent, frisk for safety, probable cause, and contraband are high discretion searches . In 2018, the APD data demonstrates that high discretion searches are more likely to occur with Black/African Americans, followed by Hispanics/Latinos, then Caucasians, and finally Asians. Black/African Americans were slightly more likely to receive a high-discretion search compared to a low-discretion search in 2018. The ratio is 15 14 Office of Police Monitor 2015 Annual Report, http://www.austintexas.gov/sites/default/files/files/OPM_Annual_Report_2015_FINAL2.pdf 15 The methodology to categorize searches into low and high discretion is taken from the “ Policing Equity: Measuring Fairness in the Austin Police Department” report. While the search of a motor vehicle is normally exempted from the search warrant requirement, police do need a basis for the search. The most common reasons cited are consent, incident to arrest, probable cause, contraband in plain view, frisk for safety, and subject to towing; these are reported here. Many factors contribute to the existence of probable cause, but the basic premise is that probable cause requires facts or evidence that would lead a reasonable person to believe the vehicle contains contraband or evidence. Science of 15 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ reversed for Asians, Hispanic/Latinos, and Caucasians, who were more likely to receive a low-discretion search required by law and less likely to receive a high-discretion search from an APD officer (see Table 3 below). Table 3: Racial Disparities between High and Low Discretion Searches (2018 APD Proportions of High Versus Low Discretion Searches by Race for Field Observations, Warnings, Arrests , and Citations (percentage and raw numbers) 16 Racial Profiling 17 APD Race Known Analysis The APD collects data for each motor vehicle stop, indicating “whether the subject's race was known to the officer before the stop .” This data is separated into Race Known vs Race Not Known categories (Table 4). According to this data, in 2018 the race/ethnicity of the subject was known before the stop in 5% of motor vehicle stop cases. Within the Race Not Known category, Black/African Americans make up 14% of stops, Hispanic/Latinos make up 33%, Caucasians 47%, and Asians 4%. Black/African Americans are disproportionately overrepresented in this category (14% of Race Not Known stops compared to 8% of the voting age population, a 6% overrepresentation). Hispanic/Latinos are overrepresented by 2% (33% of Race Not Known stops compared to 31% of the voting age population). In contrast, Caucasians and Asians are underrepresented (Caucasians make up 47% of Race Not Known stops and 54% of the voting age population, Asians 4% of Race Not Known stops and 6% of the population). Within the Race Known category, Black/African Americans are even more disproportionately overrepresented compared to other races. Black/African Americans make up 17% of Race Known stops in 2018. This is a 9% overrepresentation as compared to their share of the voting- age population. As such, Black/African Americans are 3% more overrepresented when their race is known by the officer prior to the stop than when their race is not known. Both 16 Arrests were included in this analysis because in the APD open data, 80% of arrests included a search, which would suggest some discretion on the part of the APD officer. 17 Source: City of Austin Open Data, “GUIDE 2018 - Racial Profiling” https://data.austintexas.gov/Public-Safety/GUIDE-2018-Racial-Profiling/mipf-8at9/data 16 Hispanic/Latinos and Asians, on the other hand, make up a smaller portion of the Race Known stops than of the Race Not Known stops (27%, or down 6% from Race Not Known stops, for Hispanic/Latinos and 2%, down 2% from Race Not Known stops, for Asians). Caucasians make up 51% of Race Known stops in 2018. Although this is up 4% from the Race Not Known category, it is also a 3% underrepresentation when compared to their share of the voting age population. Table 4: Racial Disparities in whether a motorist is pulled over if the race is known before the stop (2018 APD Race Known vs Not Known Compared for Motor Vehicle Stops for 4 Highest Population Racial/Ethnic Groups (percentage and raw numbers) Austin Metro Population vs City of Austin Demographics Analysis 18 While the claim may be made that overrepresentation in stops of Black/African Americans is due to a pattern of Black/African Americans residing in surrounding communities and coming into Austin to work and/or for entertainment, the data refutes this. The OPO compared the percentage of stops per race/ethnicity to the voting age population within the Austin-Round Rock Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) voting age population (2018 American Community Survey Data ). The OPO analysis demonstrates that, when comparing the MSA region’s racial composition to the APD racial data for motor vehicle stops, Caucasians are further underrepresented compared to the city of Austin comparison alone, with a -8% difference between the racial makeup of the metro region and the APD data, compared to -7% underrepresentation when focusing solely within Austin city limits. Black/African Americans are equally overrepresented when examining the MSA population, being 7% overrepresented in the metro region versus 7% overrepresented within the city of Austin. Hispanic/Latinos have the same racial/ethnic representation in the metro region as in the city at 3% overrepresentation, while Asians are less underrepresented when examining data from the metro region, totaling -2% in the region compared to -4% within the city of Austin (see Table 5 below). 18 Margins of error are smaller for the American Community Survey (ACS) when examining the Austin-Round Rock metro area than in the city of Austin alone, thus the 2018 ACS data was used instead of the 2010 Census for the metro region comparison analysis. 17  Table 5: Racial Disparities in motor vehicle stops in the Austin Metropolitan area (2018 Motor Vehicle Stops by Race/Ethnicity versus 2018 Austin MSA Voting Age Population) Austin Commuter Data Analysis 19 Another claim as to why various ethnic/racial groups may be overrepresented in motor vehicle stops is that differences exist in the driving habits across ethnic/racial groups. However, data collected in the American Community Survey does not support this. When examining the percentage of people over age 16 who drive to work alone (which makes up 75% of commuters in Austin in 2018), Table 6 below shows the various racial/ethnic groups’ commuting habits in 2018 . Seventy-six percent of Hispanic/Latinos aged 16 years or older commute to work alone, 73% of Black/African Americans aged 16 years or older commute to work alone, and 76% of Caucasians and Asians over age 16 commute alone. The variations in this data would not explain the overrepresentation of Black/African Americans in the 2018 APD motor vehicle stop data. Particularly, Caucasians commute alone in vehicles 3% more than Black/African Americans, yet Black/African Americans are proportionally overrepresented by 14% in motor vehicle stops compared to Caucasians. 19 OPO chose to examine commuting by vehicle alone as opposed to commuting by vehicle alone and carpooling because there is no way to know the race/ethnicity of the driver when carpooling, which would make the analysis not valid or useful. 18  Table 6: Commuting Behavior by Race in Austin (2018 Percentage and number of people living in Austin Who Commute Via Driving Alone and Are Over Age 16 by Race/Ethnicity) APD Racial Sector Analysis OPO also analyzed the geographic distribution of arrests and warnings/field observations based on the APD open data field connecting each incident with an APD sector . APD divides the city into 5 Regions. Each region is further divided into 2 sectors (in the case of Region 1, Baker and Ida Sector), see map 1 below. 20 20 APD does not include Sector in the 2018 Citation open dataset, and thus the sector analysis was not undertaken on that dataset. 19 Map 1: APD Sectors Concentration of Motor Vehicle Stops Resulting in Arrests and 2018 Warnings and Field Observations across APD Sectors Using Maps 2 and 3 below, one can examine visually the distribution of arrests in Austin by APD sector. One notes a concentration of arrests on the east side of the city. 20 Map 2 and 3: 2018 Motor Vehicle Stops Resulting in Arrests and Warnings and Field Observations 2018 Arrests 2018 Warnings and Field Observations 21 Recommendations To address The City of Austin’s Strategic Direction 2023 (SD23) Safety Strategy One: Develop and act on recommendations to ensure that all community members are treated fairly and equitably in the enforcement of laws and the adult and juvenile justice systems, whether they are defendants or victims of crime. The Office of Police Oversight, Equity Office, and the Office of Innovation recommend the following: Acknowledgments 1. Acknowledge that racial disparity exists and is worsening. 2. Acknowledge that the methodology previously used omitted the context of proportionality and therefore was an incomplete analysis. This resulted in a perception that a trend of disparity did not exist. 3. Acknowledge that race plays a major role in who we stop, search, and for whom we use discretion favorably. Accountability 4. To gain community trust, proportional racial disparity in motor vehicle stops, arrests, searches, field observations, warnings, and citations should be zero. To take meaningful action toward the acknowledgments in year one, 2020, the proportional racial disparity for motor vehicle stops, arrests, searches, field observations, warnings, and citations shall decrease to 2015 levels by the end of year one. ● For all motor vehicle stops, the proportional racial disparity shall decrease by 1.75% percent per year to get to zero racial disparity by 2023. ● For all arrests resulting from motor vehicle stops, the proportional racial disparity shall decrease by 4.25% percent per year, to get to zero racial disparity by 2023. ● For all citations resulting from motor vehicle stops, the proportional racial disparity shall decrease by 1.25% percent per year, to get to zero racial disparity by 2023. ● For all warnings and field observations resulting from motor vehicle stops, the proportional racial disparity shall decrease by 1.75% percent per year, to get to zero racial disparity by 2023. While African Americans have the largest disproportionality, Hispanic/Latinos have similarly concerning trends, and APD should work to bring these disparities to zero in the same timeframe. Methodology 5. The official comprehensive analysis of racial profiling shall be conducted and released by the City of Austin Office of Police Oversight, although state-mandated reporting may continue under the purview of the Chief. In order to uphold data integrity, accuracy, and transparency, officers should verify the racial and ethnic identity with people they stop. The verified data should be documented 6. 22 in officer reports and be published in the Racial Profiling data sets on the City’s Open Data Portal. Next Steps 7. Analyze and report on the operational inefficiencies and costs that disproportionate racial disparities create by the second quarter of the fiscal year 2020 and provide to the City Manager and Council. 8. Explore promising practices from Oakland and Nashville that use a scoring mechanism for disproportional behavior to identify at-risk officers and assign appropriate interventions and use in the determination of promotions. Include implicit bias testing in the Austin Police Department hiring process. 9. 10. For current employees, require implicit bias testing and flag high-scoring officers for appropriate intervention. 11. Identify and implement bias-countering policies, practices, methods, processes, and standard operating procedures to mitigate bias. Training 12. Include the comprehensive Racial History of Policing curriculum in the cadet training academy and adapt it into required training for existing officers, at all ranks, annually. 13. Follow the guidelines for racial equity training established by the Equity Office. The Equity Office and Office of Police Oversight shall be consulted for final selection of official racial equity training for officers at all ranks. 14. Develop a method to provide racial equity training on an ongoing basis (a minimum of 40 hours per year) for all staff, sworn and civilian, in the department, annually, during every year of service. Summary In Council’s adoption of SD23, one of the explicit challenges identified for the Safety outcome was to ensure that our enforcement and justice processes are accountable, fair, equitable, impartial, and transparent. To achieve the strategic direction of the City of Austin, the Austin Police Department (APD) should make every effort to address racial and ethnic disparities in this report and fulfill the recommendations within. This is just the first step to establish trust with the communities that have been negatively impacted by these practices. There should be an expectation that the APD go above and beyond this floor of recommendations to effectuate their vision and mission for the department to effectively protect and serve all the communities in Austin. 23 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ Appendix 1 The tables and charts below represent data from the Racial Disparity and Racial Disparity Trend 2015-2018 sections comparing annual APD data to each respective year of American Community Survey (ACS) data from 2015-2018. This section is meant to demonstrate the similarity of the trends and patterns when using 2010 census data and 2015-2018 ACS data. Table 7: 2018 Motor Vehicle Stops by Race/Ethnicity versus 2018 City of Austin Voting Age Population 24 Chart 6: 2015-2018 Motor Vehicle Stops by Race/Ethnicity versus 2015-2018 City of Austin Voting Age Population 25 Chart 7: 2015-2018 Motor Vehicle Stops Resulting in Citations by Race/Ethnicity Versus 2015-2018 City of Austin Voting Age Population 26 Chart 8: 2015-2018 Motor Vehicle Stops Resulting in Arrests by Race/Ethnicity Versus 2015-2018 City of Austin Voting Age Population 27 Chart 9: 2015-2018 Motor Vehicle Stops Resulting in Warnings or Field Observations by Race/Ethnicity Versus 2015-2018 City of Austin Voting Age Population 28 Chart 10: 2015-2018 Motor Vehicle Stops Resulting in a Search by Race/Ethnicity Versus 2015-2018 City of Austin Voting Age Population 29 Appendix 2 Chart 11: Motor Vehicle Stops Per Year 21 21 See footnote 7 for 2015 total motor vehicle stop explanation. 30